Freedom Is Collective, Not a Private Possession
Created at: August 10, 2025
Until we are all free, we are none of us free. — Angela Davis
Interdependence at the Heart of Liberty
At its core, Davis’s line insists that freedom is relational: the conditions that confine one group inevitably narrow the horizons of others. This is not mere sentiment; it echoes moral frameworks like ubuntu, the African humanist ethos summarized as I am because we are (Desmond Tutu, 1999). In the same spirit, Martin Luther King Jr.’s Letter from Birmingham Jail (1963) warned that injustice anywhere threatens justice everywhere. Taken together, these insights reposition liberty from an individual possession to a shared ecology that rises or falls with our bonds.
History’s Coalitions Prove the Principle
Looking back, emancipatory breakthroughs arrived when people recognized that their freedoms were intertwined. Frederick Douglass spoke at the Seneca Falls Convention (1848), linking abolition to women’s rights, while the Congress of Industrial Organizations in the 1930s built interracial unions that raised standards across whole industries. Decades later, the Memphis sanitation strike (1968) united labor dignity with civil rights under the banner I Am a Man. Each coalition widened the circle of concern, demonstrating that elevating one group’s status can improve civic life for all.
Intersectionality Maps the Web of Constraint
Extending this insight, intersectionality shows why liberation must be universal to be real. Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989) observed that Black women face overlapping harms that single-issue remedies miss. When institutions ignore such intersections, policies that help some can leave others trapped, undercutting the promise of freedom itself. Thus, the claim none of us are free until all are free is a diagnostic, not just a dream: it names the systemic entanglements that make partial justice unstable and prone to relapse.
Institutions That Bind or Broaden Freedom
Moreover, Davis’s prison abolition critique illuminates how structures produce shared unfreedom. Are Prisons Obsolete? (2003) argues that mass incarceration, immigration detention, and surveillance do not merely confine individuals; they drain families, neighborhoods, and democratic trust, shaping public life for everyone. Legal milestones underscore the point: Brown v. Board of Education (1954) recognized that segregation degrades society’s fabric, not just individual students. When core institutions exclude, fear and inequality ripple outward; when they include, trust and opportunity scale.
Practices of Solidarity That Work
In practice, movements succeed when they braid interests into a common cause. The Chicago Teachers Union (2012; 2019) linked wages to class size, wraparound services, and community needs, modeling bargaining for the common good. Similarly, the 1963 March on Washington fused civil rights with labor and economic justice. Mutual aid networks, immigrant defense coalitions, and climate-labor alliances follow the same logic: by solving for the most vulnerable, they upgrade the baseline for everyone and make gains harder to roll back.
From Global Ties to Daily Responsibility
Finally, a globalized world renders Davis’s claim unmistakable. Movements like Black Lives Matter (2013–present) resonated across continents, while campaigns such as #EndSARS in Nigeria revealed shared patterns of state violence and youth precarity. Supply chains, data flows, and climate impacts bind our fates beyond borders, so freedom now demands cross-border solidarity. Thus the slogan becomes a practice: learn whose freedom is most constrained, align resources to remove those constraints, and measure success by how broadly dignity expands.